Nepal's uprising feels very 2025

A Gen Z voice from Nepal, a very shaky peace in South Sudan, and why the U.S. can’t stop looking at Vanuatu.

Hey, this is Sham Jaff, your very own news curator.

Issue #441: U.S. far-right commentator Charlie Kirk is dead, and that made front-page news, while Brazil’s former president getting 27 years in prison and South Sudan’s vice president facing murder charges got shoved onto page four. This issue pushes back: we’ll look at South Sudan, because growing authoritarianism isn’t only a U.S. story. And I spoke with a Nepali Gen Z protester about one of the country’s biggest youth-led uprisings and their hopes for the future. Because it feels very 2025 because it’s a generational moment that is shaped by the internet, global patterns of disillusionment, and governments that don’t know how to deal with either. And, because younger voices deserve space in political news, too.

Also in this issue: Ali Velshi on how Brazil actually did what parts of the U.S. only wish they had. Koalas finally get a chlamydia vaccine. A big week for rights in South Africa. Why the U.S. is oddly obsessed with Vanuatu (and why Vanuatu isn’t exactly flattered). A historian tearing apart the myth of “free speech.” An unproblematic old white guy enjoying Nepali food. Brazil’s own take on country music. And, to close it out, a funny note that is actually brilliant Albanian government PR.

Talk soon,
Sham

---

South Sudan is experiencing the most serious crack in its 2018 peace deal right now

What happened
South Sudan’s First Vice-President Riek Machar has been charged with murder, treason, and crimes against humanity.

Why this matters: South Sudan has a very, very fragile peace, and this is the most serious crack in South Sudan’s peace deal since 2018. The country only became independent in 2011 (it broke away from Sudan after decades of war). Just two years later, in 2013, a civil war erupted. It was mainly between Machar and President Salva Kiir (the guy in the cowboy hat you’ll often see in photos). That war lasted five years, killed about 400,000 people, and only ended in 2018 with a shaky peace deal. So, charging Machar now could reopen old wounds and possibly restart the conflict. And, as The East African writes: "With more than four million people already displaced, and food insecurity at critical levels, the stakes for ordinary South Sudanese could not be higher."

Tell me more
The government says he’s linked to a militia attack in March that killed 250 soldiers, a general, and even a UN helicopter pilot. Some in Kiir’s administration argue that prosecuting Machar and his allies is about justice, not politics; their line is: “If we let people get away with killings just because they’re powerful, there will never be real peace.” Machar has been under house arrest since March, and now things are escalating because he’s officially facing charges in court. If cases are proven against him, Machar could actually face a death sentence, as treason is one of the “extremely serious offences” cited in law and whose maximum penalty is capital punishment.

Wait, what happened in March?
In March, heavy fighting broke out in Nasir, a town in northeast South Sudan, when the White Army (a militia mostly made up of Nuer youth, historically tied to Vice-President Riek Machar) overran an army base, trapping soldiers and their commander inside. On March 7, the UN sent helicopters to evacuate the soldiers after repeated guarantees of safe passage, but the aircraft and troops came under fire: a Ukrainian UN crew member was killed, two others injured, and a general plus dozens of South Sudanese soldiers died; the UN called the attack “abhorrent” and said it may amount to a war crime.

Government figures later claimed that between 250 and 400 soldiers were killed, though those numbers remain unofficial. Around the same time, Machar’s ally, another general, and others were arrested, while Machar was placed under house arrest.

The government basically argues that the White Army’s actions prove that Machar masterminded the attack, making it the basis of his murder, treason, and crimes-against-humanity charges, but his camp says the case is a political witch-hunt directed at abolishing the 2018 peace deal. (He's supposedly done this quite often: violate the peace deal by replacing officials who were appointed by Machar without consultation.)

What do regional mediators say?
The UN, African Union (AU) and neighboring countries are all calling for calm. The AU and IGAD (the Intergovernmental Authority on Development) have already urged the South Sudanese government to release all detainees in the interest of dialogue.

Good to know: South Sudan also has a huge dependency-on-others problem. The government doesn’t fund itself through taxes in the way other countries do. International donors (like the US, EU, and UN agencies) cover a huge part of South Sudan’s budget, especially for things like peacekeeping, humanitarian aid, and reforms. Without this outside money, the state can’t really function. The US and EU have said clearly: if South Sudan’s leaders keep fighting and delaying peace reforms, they could cut or freeze funding.

What now?
Short answer: nobody knows for sure. If the courts push ahead, Machar could be convicted or formally removed from politics. Machar’s allies still command loyalty among armed groups. If his people continue to feel the charges are a “witch-hunt,” they may return to violence at some point. The most immediate signs to watch are probably: Is Machar actually brought to court, or will he be kept under indefinite house arrest? How will the White Army respond?

South Sudan hasn’t had a general election since it became independent in 2011 (the country is still in a “transitional period”), and people were expecting the first one in December 2026. Civil society activists keep saying: “Stop the power games and talk to each other before you wreck the country again.” But the current political crisis is putting that at risk. Instead of preparing for fair elections, President Kiir seems to be using the judiciary and executive power to weaken the opposition and keep himself dominant, according to The East African.

---

I talked to a Nepali Gen Z who participated in the recent mass protest in their country. Here's what they want you to know

What happened
Nepal just went through its biggest youth-led protests in decades. It started when a government ban came into effect on September 4 that would block (or order to block) about 26 social media platforms. The official explanation was that the platforms hadn’t followed new registration rules. But for young Nepalis, the timing was too obvious. Online spaces had been filling with posts about corruption, nepotism, and the unchecked privilege of political elites. While the sons and daughters of politicians flaunted luxury lifestyles, ordinary people were left with shrinking opportunities. The ban looked less like regulation and more like an attempt to silence criticism.

The anger spilled into the streets. Tens of thousands, mostly Gen Z, took over Kathmandu and then cities across the country. The Kathmandu Post called it a “Gen Z uprising.” The state met the protests with force. Tear gas and water cannons at first, then rubber bullets, and eventually live rounds. Curfews were imposed, internet cutoffs rolled through neighborhoods, and clashes left government buildings in flames: Parliament, the Supreme Court, administrative offices, even private homes of ministers. By the government’s own count, at least 72 people were killed and more than 1,300 injured. Civil society groups suspect the toll is higher. Thousands were arrested, though no official figures exist.

The political fallout was immediate. Prime Minister K. P. Sharma Oli resigned, parliament was dissolved, and an interim government was sworn in, led by Sushila Karki, who is also Nepal’s first-ever female prime minister and a former chief justice. Her administration promised cash relief for victims’ families, free medical care for the injured, and declared the dead as “Gen Z martyrs.” A national day of mourning was set for September 17. Plans were announced for a judicial commission to investigate the violence and even for a “Gen Z Awakening Memorial Park.”

But the big questions remain: Can a commission handpicked by the state deliver accountability? Will promises of relief actually reach families outside Kathmandu, where hospitals are underfunded and far away? And can/will a memorial park heal the anger of a generation that is demanding structural change, like jobs, fair pay, an end to corruption?

To hear how protesters themselves see it, I spoke with a student in Kathmandu who took part in the demonstrations. Their name has been anonymized as Ekelkate for protection. I’ve kept the Nepali original alongside the English in case of translation errors, but confirmed with them that what follows reflects what they said.

I’d seen them in videos. They were sweeping the streets, cleaning up, posting messages about hope and building a new Nepal — that’s part of why I asked to talk.

Here’s my conversation with Ekelkate:

Q: Why did you decide to join the protests?
Ekelkate: My main reason was to fight corruption and to demand investigations into who has been involved in it in the past. (Ma protest janu ko main agenda chai corruption hatauna ra paila ko kos kos le corruption gareko ra tesko jach garne.)

Q: What do you want people outside Nepal to understand about these protests?
Ekelkate: Many outsiders think we are protesting because online platforms were shut down. But that’s not true. We are protesting against corruption. The Nepali government has been drowning in it, and that has made life here very difficult. Because of corruption, so many young people have left the country. To get anything done in Nepal, you had to bribe politicians. (Ahile bahira ko manxe yo bujhira xaki hamile online platform banda garera ho vanera tara haina hami corruption ko barema protest gareko ho. Ra nepali government corruption le vareko thiyo ra nepal bannu garo vairako thiyo. Nepal government corrupted vayera hamro yuwa haru dherai vanda dherai bahira gako xa kina ki nepal ma j garnu ni neta harulai ghus khuwaunu parthyo.)

Q: How has the protest changed how you see politics?
Ekelkate: It made me realize that when we build a new government, we must not repeat the mistakes of our parents’ generation. When we choose candidates, we need to think carefully about who can actually build Nepal. And for every project, there should be full transparency about how money is used and whether the work is really being done. (Protest le mero political soch kasari badleko xa vani aba hami le naya sakrak banauda jun galti hamro baba aama le gareko thiyo tyo galti hami le garnu hunna ra aba hamle jun candidate xanxau eakdam sochera xannu parxa tyo candidate le nepal banauxa vanera tha hunu parxa ra jun jun project hunxa hamro nepal ma tyo sab ko clarification chainxa paisa ka ka use vayo ra tyo paisa ko kam xaki xaina vanera.)

Q: What message do you want the government to hear from your generation?
Ekelkate: My generation wants the government to be dedicated to its work, to stop taking bribes, to create jobs, and to pay people fairly. The government should also support agriculture, because right now many young people are leaving Nepal since there are no opportunities here. (Mero generation le sakrak lai yo vannu chahanxa ki aba ko sarkar jo hunxa tyo aafnu kam ma dedicated huna parxa ra ghus khanu vayena ra roj gar haru badhaunu ani kam anusar dam pani dinu paryo krisi pani garnu paryo kinaki hamro youth haru nepal ma kei kam xaina vanera bahira dhesh dherai janxan.)

Q: What do you think about the new prime minister? Did you also vote on Discord?
Ekelkate: I don’t know much about the new prime minister, heard mostly after the protests. But what I’ve heard of their previous work gives me hope they’ll do good things. I couldn’t vote myself. I couldn’t cast my vote because our local police station and the roads around it were a mess, so I was busy helping clean up. I couldn’t get on Discord. But for those who did vote, I think they made a good choice. (Maile ramro sanga ta thaxaina hamro new prime minister ko barema testo ta kehi thaxaina maile suneko vaneko protest paxi sune ko ho. Jaha samma maile suneko xu waha ko bare malai lagxa waha le ramro garnu hunxa jasto lagxa kina vane waha ko paila ko kam haru sunera herera wahale ramro garnu hunxa jasto lagxa ra wahale ahile j vannu vako xa j garnu vako xa tyo sahi garira nu vako xa. Ra maile vote ta dinu payena kina ki ma hamro jaja fohor vako thiyo police station ani ani bato haru safa garnu tira lage ko thiye maile discord chalaunu payena tara jojo vote dinu vako ramro garnu vako xa jasto lagxa.)

Q: Will you stay politically active? And if yes, what do you want to focus your energy on?
Ekelkate: Yes, I plan to stay politically active. My focus will be fighting corruption. Anyone who took money wrongly should be punished, and we need real improvement in our country. (Ma politics ma ta xirnu cha hannah. Tara xiri hale vane mero main focus chai corruption na garne j ko lagi paisa aako xa tyo garne ra hamro desh ramro parne yedi kosaile corruption gareko xa vani teslai kada vanda kada sajaye dine.)

Q: When you think about Nepal in 10 years, what do you hope will be different?
Ekelkate: I want to see a Nepal where young people don’t have to go abroad for a better future, but can find opportunities here. I want a government that is not corrupt. And I want a country where no one has to die because of poverty. (10 barsa paxi ma mero dhesh nepal yesto dekhnu chahanxu ki hamra naya youth haru aafnu better future ko lagi foreign country janu na paros ra aafnu desh ma kehi garne awasar pawos. Ani hami le nepal sarkar bhrasta xaina vanne chahanxu ra. Ra kosaile garibi ko kaaran marnu na paros.)

---

what else happened